Neurodiversité, injustice épistémique et la bonne vie humaine

Titre original en anglais : Neurodiversity, epistemic injustice, and the good human life

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Chapman, R. & Carel, H. (2022). Neurodiversity, epistemic injustice, and the good human life. Journal of Social Philosophy, 53(4), 614-631. https://doi.org/10.1111/josp.12456

Date de publication: 01/03/2022 Ajout dans AutiHub: 05/07/2026 Type: Article Langue de l’article: Anglais
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Auteurs

Auteur·ices des publications
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Auteur·ices de la publication identifié·es comme autistes
1 / 2 (50,0 %)
  1. Robert Chapman *
  2. Havi Carel

Résumé

L’injustice épistémique renvoie à des préjudices qui concernent spécifiquement notre statut d’agents épistémiques, par lesquels notre statut de personnes connaissant, interprétant et fournissant des informations est indûment diminué ou entravé d’une manière qui compromet l’autonomie et la dignité de l’agent. Le concept a été défini par Miranda Fricker (2007), qui identifie deux formes principales d’injustice épistémique. La première est l’injustice testimoniale, qui renvoie à des cas où un témoignage est indûment écarté en raison de croyances préjudiciables concernant des groupes minoritaires. L’injustice herméneutique renvoie à des cas où les vocabulaires partagés d’une communauté ont été structurés d’une manière qui déforme ou entrave injustement la compréhension pour, et d’, un groupe minoritaire. Dans chaque cas, des personnes subissent un préjudice spécifiquement dans leur capacité de personnes connaissant : des individus capables de connaître ou de fournir des connaissances. De nombreux travaux sur l’injustice épistémique ont mis en évidence l’action de stéréotypes négatifs liés au genre et à la race ; par exemple, lorsqu’un témoignage est écarté, mis en doute ou jugé peu crédible en raison de préjugés racistes ou sexistes de la part de l’auditeur (Dotson, 2011 ; Fricker, 2007 ; Kidd et al., 2017 ; Medina, 2013). Mais ces dernières années, la recherche a attiré l’attention sur l’injustice épistémique dans les soins de santé en général et, plus spécifiquement, en psychiatrie, en pédiatrie et parmi les personnes handicapées (Blease et al., 2016 ; Carel & Kidd, 2014 ; Crichton et al., 2016 ; Kidd & Carel, 2016, 2019 ; Potter, 2015). Ce qui a été révélé est l’entrave systématique aux voix et aux outils interprétatifs dont disposent les personnes malades et handicapées : en particulier, à leurs apports d’informations, à leurs témoignages et à leurs interprétations. Ces types d’injustice épistémique ont été associés au modèle médical du déficit qui domine une grande partie du discours médical et psychiatrique (Kidd & Carel, 2018, 2019). En outre, les affirmations des personnes ayant un handicap physique selon lesquelles elles sont heureuses et mènent une bonne vie ont également été écartées en raison de préjugés concernant la possibilité de bien vivre tout en étant handicapé (Blease et al., 2016 ; Carel, 2016, ch. 6). Notre intérêt porte ici sur la possibilité que l’injustice épistémique puisse entraver des formes d’épanouissement ou des voies vers le bien-être chez les personnes présentant des handicaps neurodivergents. Nous nous concentrerons ici sur un handicap particulier, à savoir l’autisme, mais nous suggérons également que cela pourrait éclairer la question plus générale concernant d’autres handicaps cognitifs, neurodéveloppementaux et psychosociaux. Dans notre discussion de la bonne vie, nous nous intéressons à la fois aux cadrages subjectifs qui se concentrent sur les sentiments de bien-être et de bonheur, ainsi qu’aux cadrages plus objectifs fondés sur la notion d’épanouissement ou de biens objectifs. Comme nous l’examinons ci-dessous, l’autisme est largement considéré comme étant, à des degrés divers, incompatible avec le bien-être et l’épanouissement, et donc incompatible avec les conceptions à la fois objectives et subjectives de la bonne vie. Bien qu’il s’agisse d’un point de vue dominant, il a été contesté par les partisans de la conception de l’autisme fondée sur la neurodiversité. Celle-ci recadre l’autisme comme un type neurocognitif minoritaire qui est principalement handicapé et dévalorisé dans les conditions sociales actuelles, plutôt que comme une pathologie médicale (Chapman, 2019a ; Singer, 1999). En dépathologisant, et en politisant plutôt, le handicap et la détresse autistiques, ce point de vue ouvre la possibilité que, plutôt que l’autisme soit intrinsèquement incompatible avec une bonne vie, le bien-être autistique soit entravé par des facteurs contingents. Il se peut même que nous ayons été rendus ignorants de la possibilité de formes distinctement autistiques d’épanouissement de certaines manières en raison de biais, de stigmates et de préjugés interconnectés. (...).

Epistemic injustice refers to harms that relate specifically to our status as epistemic agents, whereby our status as knowers, interpreters, and providers of information, is unduly diminished or stifled in a way that undermines the agent's agency and dignity. The concept was defined by Miranda Fricker (2007), who identifies two key forms of epistemic injustice. The first is testimonial injustice, which refers to cases where testimony is unduly dismissed because of prejudiced beliefs regarding minority groups. Hermeneutical injustice refers to cases where a community's shared vocabularies have been structured in a way that unfairly distorts or stifles understanding for, and of, a minority group. In each case, there is an instance of people being harmed specifically in their capacity as knowers: individuals capable of knowing or providing knowledge. Much work on epistemic injustice has identified the operation of negative stereotypes relating to gender and race; for instance, when someone's testimony is dismissed, doubted, or accorded low credibility due to racist or sexist prejudices on the part of the listener (Dotson, 2011; Fricker, 2007; Kidd et al., 2017; Medina, 2013). But in recent years research has drawn attention to epistemic injustice in healthcare generally, and more specifically within psychiatry, pediatrics, and among people with disabilities (Blease et al., 2016; Carel & Kidd, 2014; Crichton et al., 2016; Kidd & Carel, 2016, 2019; Potter, 2015). What has been revealed is the systematic stifling of the voices and interpretive tools available to both ill and disabled persons: in particular, their information providing, testimonies, and interpretations. These types of epistemic injustice have been associated with the medical deficit model that dominates much of medical and psychiatric discourse (Kidd & Carel, 2018, 2019). Moreover, physically disabled persons' claims that they are happy and living good lives have also been dismissed due to prejudices about the possibility of living well whilst disabled (Blease et al., 2016; Carel, 2016, ch. 6). Our interest here is in the possibility that epistemic injustice may stifle forms of flourishing or routes to wellbeing among individuals with neurodivergent disabilities. Here we will focus on one particular disability, namely autism, but we also suggest that this may shed light on the more general issue when it comes to other cognitive, neurodevelopmental, and psycho-social disabilities. In our discussion of the good life we are concerned both with subjective framings that focus on feelings of wellbeing and happiness, as well as more objective framings based on the notion of flourishing or objective goods. As we discuss below, autism is widely taken to be at odds—to varying extents—with both wellbeing and flourishing, and hence incompatible with both objective and subjective conceptions of the good life. While this is one dominant view, it has been challenged by proponents of the neurodiversity conception of autism. This recasts autism as a minority neurocognitive type that is primarily disabled and devalued under current social conditions, instead of it being a medical pathology (Chapman, 2019a; Singer, 1999). In de-pathologising, and instead politicizing, autistic disablement, and distress, this view opens the possibility that rather than autism being inherently at odds with living a good life, autistic wellbeing is impeded by contingent factors. It may even be that we have been rendered ignorant of the possibility of distinctly autistic forms of thriving in certain ways due to interlocking biases, stigma, and prejudice. (...).

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Références citées
113
Nombre total de références citées intégrées pour cette publication.
Références citées avec un·e auteur·ice identifié·e comme autiste
15 / 113 (13,3 %)
Occurrences d’auteur·ices cité·es identifié·es comme autistes
15 / 176 (8,5 %)
Parmi les occurrences rattachées à des auteurices intégré·es à la base de données AutiHub : 15 / 35 (42,9 %). Auteurices cité·es distinct·es identifié·es comme autistes : 8 / 147 (5,4 %).
Occurrences citées rattachées à la base AutiHub
35 / 176 (19,9 %)
Auteurices cité·es distinct·es rattaché·es : 18 / 147 (12,2 %)
Occurrences rattachées, non identifiées comme autistes
20 / 35 (57,1 %)
Parmi les seules occurrences rattachées. Sur l’ensemble des occurrences d’auteurices cité·es : 20 / 176 (11,4 %). Auteurices cité·es distinct·es rattaché·es, non identifié·es comme autistes : 10 / 18 (55,6 %).
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